Paul Biya, currently the world's oldest head of state at 92, is seeking another popular mandate that could potentially see him govern Cameroon until nearly 100.
If that alone isn't an astounding possibility, his track record so far has been nothing short of staggering.
President Biya has already had 40-odd years in office, making just his stint in office longer than many sovereign countries' post-independence history.
In July, Biya announced on X that he's running again, much to the discomfiture of those who believe Cameroon needs an infusion of fresh ideas that can only come from political change.
"Rest assured that my determination to serve you is commensurate with the serious challenges facing us," he declared, setting the tone for his eighth presidential campaign.
So, how close is the Central African country to the idea of a new face at the helm of affairs after having Biya steer the ship since 1982?
Twelve other aspirants, including former allies of the President, are in the race to unseat him in an election that many see as a defining moment for Cameroon.
The challengers
Of the names cleared to run in the October 12 vote, a few stand out.
Issa Tchiroma Bakary, 76, served as the country's employment minister and government spokesperson under Biya before switching sides ahead of the election, saying he wanted to "champion the youth" and ease their frustrations.
Bakary is a candidate of the Cameroon National Salvation Front, a party he founded in 2007.
Another prominent contender is Bello Bouba Maigari, one of Biya's oldest allies and Prime Minister of his first government in 1982 until they fell out.
Maigari unsuccessfully ran against Biya a decade later and, at 78, is back for another shot at the presidency.
The candidate creating the loudest buzz among young voters is Cabral Libii, a 45-year-old former radio presenter and lecturer in law who calls himself part of the "new Cameroon". He finished third in the 2018 battle at the hustings.
Joshua Osih, 56, leads the Social Democratic Front, once the country's biggest opposition party. His campaign pitch is to end the Anglophone conflict within 100 days of being elected.
Conspicuous by his absence from the hurly-burly of elections is Maurice Kamto, who was Biya's toughest challenger in 2018. The country's electoral commission barred him from the polls after a faction of his party – the Cameroon Renaissance Movement – put up a different candidate.
Adding to the election drama, the President's social-media influencer daughter, Brenda Biya, went viral on TikTok last month, urging Cameroonians not to vote for her father again. She alleged that many had "suffered" under his rule.
But Biya, who seems to have spared himself the gruelling task of criss-crossing the country to campaign, insists he is still the best man for the job and primed to build on the gains of his governance across sectors.
Old warhorse
Cameroon has 7.5 million registered voters out of a population of more than 30 million. For most, the political touchpoints of consequence in this election are the state of the economy, unemployment and general insecurity.
If voters repose faith in Biya's leadership despite some factors working against him, it will make him Africa's second longest-serving head of state, behind only Equatorial Guinea's Teodoro Obiang Nguema, who has been in office for 43 years.
"Biya is a very complex personality and, as Cameroon's President, not a very accessible one," political analyst Ahmadou Sehou Orge tells TRT Afrika.
Others attribute his political longevity to his ability to adapt. "He's very smart, especially when it comes to politics. He knows how to play the game. He always has solutions to your problems," says Dr Therence Atabong Nhuafac, another analyst.
As Biya steps into the race again, the question remains: at 92, is his candidacy a promise of steady leadership or proof that change in Cameroon is still out of reach?
Cameroonian context
Cameroon, often called Africa in miniature, lies at the crossroads of West and Central Africa, with deserts in the north, rainforests in the south and bustling cities in between.
With 30 million people, over 250 ethnic groups and dozens of languages, the country is a cultural melting pot in every way imaginable.
French and English are both official languages, a legacy of colonial powers France and Britain, who divided the country into French and English-speaking regions.
Cameroon gained independence in 1960 under Ahmadou Ahidjo, who ruled for 22 years. In 1982, Biya, then a relatively unknown politician, succeeded Ahidjo and has been shaping the country's modern history since.
"It's as if the country has been caught in a time warp since 1982. The ruling class in Cameroon, they are all over 70 and 80 years old," says Orge.
Born in 1933 to missionary parents in southern Cameroon, Biya was once expected to become a priest. Instead, he studied law and political science in Paris, entered the civil service and rose quickly through the ranks. By 1979, he was already the country's Prime Minister, setting him up for a career at the helm that continues till this day.
In the interregnum, Biya survived two coup attempts and, more recently, quelled a separatist insurgency in the northwest and southwest of the country.
Consolidating control
"Centralisation of power. That is what he has done…Most of the big or most important sectors of the economy are directly under Biya. The constitutional council is under the President too, so he makes sure that all those who manage these sectors are answerable to him," Nhuafac tells TRT Afrika.
A constitutional change in 2008 removed term limits in Cameroon, paving the way for Biya to remain in power.
"There is no limitation, whether as President or parliamentarian. There is no limitation for all the officials – they can remain in those positions for life. It's very complicated," explains Orge.
Biya's supporters credit him with maintaining stability and keeping Cameroon out of regional conflicts.
But despite Cameroon's oil and agriculture wealth, economic growth remains slow. GDP growth was projected at 3.7% in 2024, and poverty continues to rise.
"We can talk about Cameroon as a stable country because we have one head of state since over 40 years, but people are not feeling very good because this situation doesn't give them more opportunities," says Orge.
Some critics of the dispensation allege that democratic reforms have been rolled back, especially since Africa's wave of multi-party politics in the 1990s.
"This idea of multi-partyism is a strategy to divide the opposition. None of them has been able to win an election or even come close," says Nhuafac.
Growing frustration
Cameroon's youth are in a state of flux. Youth unemployment sits at about 6.4%, nearly twice the national average. Many young people feel the political system ignores their priorities and has yet to exploit their potential.
"At the heart of Cameroon's story is a people full of resilience, talent and hope, yet they are trapped in a political system that hasn't evolved with them," says Nhuafac.
"Cameroonians aren't asking for miracles. They are asking for accountable leadership and inclusive governance. The youth should be involved, and also a future where our young people feel they have a stake in their country, unlike what we are seeing today."
This widening gap between the ambitions of the younger generation and an ageing leadership is seen as the root of frustration, increased migration and warnings from analysts about a time bomb ticking away.
As Cameroon heads to the hustings, the question on everyone's lips is whether Biya will maintain his grip on the reins of government or the country's restive youth will make a decisive vote for change.
